Why can’t we trust Baha'i texts in English? by Payam Aryan

Hi everyone, I'm Payam Aryan and this is 10 minutes with Payam Aryan. I intend to present a series of audio clips in English to you on various topics about the Bahá'í Faith so that we can get a more accurate understanding of Bahá'í Faith by explaining and getting to know about its study sources and the texts of this religion. Before I go any further, I should explain something.

We cannot trust so-called official translations when it comes to Bahá'í texts. English Bahá'í texts have been translated from Arabic or Persian. However, the Bahá'í-approved translators haven't been quite honest in their job, including Shoghi Effendi, the guardian of the Faith himself.

They haven't translated Bahá'í Text word by word nor by the literal meaning of the word wherever the whole subject or specific word is controversial. For instance, when the text is about the punishment for the crime of intentionally setting someone's house on fire, instead of translating the words burning the offender alive, the translators have used the word execute without explaining the method of execution. Of course, the execution method is very important.

No one can even imagine that today we execute someone by burning. And because these translators know that this is very brutal and inhumane, they translate differently and use another word. Bahá'í friends may offer different justifications such as Shoghi Effendi's authority to interpretation.

In response to these friends, it should be said that, first of all, interpretation is Shoghi Effendi's authority only, so other translators are not allowed to change anything. Secondly, it should be mentioned that even Shoghi Effendi is not allowed to abrogate the rules of the Bahá'í religion according to its text. He only has the right to explain Bahá'í texts, not to abrogate Bahá'u'lláh's words, the founder of the faith whose forbidden abrogation of his words by anyone.

Then no one in process of translating a text is allowed to express something completely different. So if an explanation is to be given, the translation should be done correctly and then the entire of the text should be explained. Another problem that exists is Shoghi Effendi's translation method, who's chosen to use Old English, a form of English that is not being used anymore.

It seems that Shoghi Effendi has used Old English so that English speakers would feel that these words are from God when they hear pronouns and words that are similar to the pronouns and sentences of Bible. Why was it necessary to use an Old English in the 20th century and not to use the everyday English that everyone understands? And the most important of all is that many Bahá'í texts have been kept in International Teaching Center at Bahá'í World Center in Haifa, Israel, till today and have never been published. This is very unusual and we don't know what these texts are really about.

Think about it. You believe in a religion but a series of texts were placed somewhere and you haven't seen them yet. And many of those that are available haven't been translated into English.

Forget about accepting an opinion or ideology based on evidence and reasoning. Even if you want to just believe, have faith, you still must have all the texts of a religion fully available. How can you accept an ideology even though a series of its study sources are not available and are hidden somewhere? Therefore, in my audio clips, whenever I want to use a code or read a text, I refer to the original text either Arabic or Farsi and translate it word by word into English with the exception of a small number of originally English texts written by Shoghi Effendi himself.

I must emphasize once again that my goal is only to clarify the truth about teachings and principles of Bahá'í Faith. I love and respect Bahá'ís around the world and I just criticize the Bahá'í religion. I ask simple and honest questions and if there are rational and convincing answers, we should not be deprived of such answers.

And if my criticism is valid and there is no answer to such questions, this issue should not upset anyone. Since all believers consider their own religions to be the absolute truth, my question may not be pleasant to them, but I assure you that my goal is only to educate myself, inform everyone and reach the truth. So instead of making false assumptions and slandering me of nonsense like spreading hatred, let's work together to reach decent conclusions so that our audience can find the truth.

I really don't mind what people believe as long as their beliefs do not harm other people. I just feel responsible that if I have any knowledge or information about an ideology, I should share it with people because I believe we should strive for public welfare and well-being of humankind. And of course, you as listeners must investigate independently that if I am telling the truth by checking the references.

Thanks for listening and have a wonderful time.

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ZHYHSgd2pyI

Baha'is converting Hindus in India, also pressurizing them to donate in the name of "test of faith"

Zia Mody is a third generation Baha'i, she gives all her money to the Baha'i faith. But not everyone in India is as rich as her.

I joined the Bahá'í Faith because I believed it was about truth, unity, and justice. But today, it feels more like a system built around endless fundraising. Every few months, new appeals arrive - for the National Fund, the Local Fund, the International Fund, and now again for the Shrine of ‘Abdu’l-Bahá and the Bihar Sharif Temple. There are always pledge forms, emotional speeches, and reminders that giving to the Fund is a “test of faith.” What was once a spiritual gathering now feels more like a financial drive.

As an ordinary middle-class Indian, I find this very suffocating. Life is already expensive - with rent, education, food, and family responsibilities. Yet, Baha’i institutions keep pushing for more and more contributions. They tell us that money is a sign of devotion, but how much more can ordinary people give? Many of us are silently uncomfortable, but no one dares to say it aloud. The pressure is real, and the guilt for not contributing enough makes the whole experience unpleasant. It has reached a point where some of us hesitate to attend Feasts or gatherings just to avoid another fund appeal.

What makes it worse is that there are already wealthy Bahá'ís in India and abroad who give huge amounts of money. Zia Mody, one of the most powerful women in India, is a billionaire and a devoted Bahá'í. She donates crores of rupees to the Bahá’í Faith. With such massive contributions already coming in, it’s natural to ask: Where is all this money going? Why does the community still keep asking middle-class believers for more? Surely the funds given by just one or two wealthy individuals could sustain all Bahá’í activities in India for years.

The Bahá’í administration never gives a clear public account of how the money is spent. The Universal House of Justice receives Huququ’llah - 19% of people’s surplus wealth - but there’s no transparent report on where it goes. We are told not to question, only to trust. But this blind trust is difficult when we see continuous fundraising drives, increasing project costs, and no visible accountability. It begins to look less like a spiritual test and more like financial exploitation - using faith and guilt as tools to collect money.

Faith should lift people up, not weigh them down with pressure and financial burden. The Bahá'í administration must stop demanding constant contributions from ordinary Indians who are already struggling. Let the wealthy and the institutions handle the grand projects. Stop turning every Feast into a money-collection session. Spirituality cannot grow in an atmosphere of guilt and financial exhaustion. If this continues, many sincere believers will drift away - not because they lost faith in Bahá’u’lláh, but because the system made them feel like their worth depended on their wallet.

About Zia Mody, please check - https://www.livemint.com/Specials/ncVyyo9guGGrQX5qy2YLoO/My-giving-is-determined-by-my-religion--Zia-Mody.html

Shared via email by Mr. Rohit (surname removed for obvious reasons), Lucknow, India.

The impact of Ruhiyyih Khanum's marriage to Shoghi Effendi's on his family and the Baha'i Faith.

From Prisoners to Land Barons: A Critical Look at the Baha'i Rise in Palestine

1. The Paradox of the Prisoner-Landlords

To understand the Baha'i presence in modern-day Israel, one must begin with its paradoxical origins in Ottoman Palestine. The official history starts with Baha’u’llah’s arrival in Acre in August 1868, not as a spiritual leader on a mission, but as a political prisoner of the Ottoman Empire. This image of religious persecution, however, is immediately complicated by the group's subsequent actions, which reveal a sharp and immediate focus on economic integration and strategic real estate acquisition.

In 1870, Baha’u’llah and his followers were released from the Acre Citadel, not as a gesture of clemency, but because the Turkish army needed more space. They remained prisoners, explicitly "forbidden to leave the city." Yet within this confinement, the sect’s administrative director and Baha’u’llah’s son, Abbas Effendi, immediately began forming connections with the local "upper class" and renting homes from local Muslims. This swift pivot from political confinement to calculated economic engagement raises a fundamental question. For a sect whose leader was still a state prisoner, this rapid integration into the local property market suggests that from the very outset, securing a physical and economic foothold was as important, if not more so, than any purely spiritual mission.

These initial forays into the Acre rental market were merely a prelude to the far more ambitious and large-scale land purchases that would soon define the Baha'i presence in Palestine.

2. Building a Real Estate Empire on Holy Ground

The period under Baha’u’llah’s leadership marked a strategic shift from renting properties within city walls to the aggressive acquisition of vast rural estates. This era represented the most intensive phase of land purchasing in the faith's history in Palestine, indicating a clear goal of establishing not just a spiritual presence, but a formidable physical and economic one. Moving far from the eyes of the authorities in Acre, the sect’s leaders began assembling a significant property portfolio through a savvy, multi-pronged strategy.

Their approach was multifaceted and cautious. For three estates east of Acre, including the significant Ridvan Park, they began by renting in 1875, only committing to a full purchase in 1881 after establishing a firm presence. In other areas like Junaynih, individual sect members made private purchases of 120 dunams, which were later transferred to the faith, obscuring the full scale of the sect's acquisitions. These holdings in the Zebulun Valley, which included approximately 550 dunams at Jidru, formed the initial core of their landed assets. But their ambition soon turned to a far larger prize in the Jordan Valley.

• Jordan Valley Holdings: A total of approximately 32,200 dunams were purchased across four sites:
  • Nuqaib: ~13,000 dunams
  • Samara: ~12,500 dunams
  • Umm Juni: ~5,600 dunams
  • Adassiya: ~1,100 dunams

The acquisition of such massive, undeveloped, and often dangerous tracts of land was not a simple act of settlement but a calculated political and economic maneuver. The Jordan Valley lands were neglected, subject to Bedouin raids, and likely acquired for an "attractively low" price. While Baha’u’llah’s personal longing for rural life is noted, the primary driver appears to have been strategic: he was "probably seeking to ensure the status and position of the sect." This was a move to secure tangible assets and build a foundation of power far from Ottoman oversight.

As the family accumulated these valuable assets, however, the land became not only a source of security but also the catalyst for the intense internal conflicts that would shape the faith's future.

3. Power, Property, and Family Feuds

The succession of leadership within the Baha'i faith was not a matter of seamless divine appointment but of intense power struggles, with control over the family's burgeoning property empire lying at the heart of the disputes. This was the inevitable outcome of a strategy that prioritized tangible assets over communal cohesion from the very beginning. When Baha’u’llah died in 1892, a struggle for leadership erupted between his sons, Abbas Effendi and Muhammad Ali Effendi, with Abbas ultimately emerging victorious. Decades later, a similar conflict would arise, this time with even higher stakes.

Following the death of Abbas Effendi, his appointed successor and grandson, Shoghi Effendi, faced a significant challenge to his authority from his own relatives over the ownership of the valuable Bahji estate—where Baha’u’llah himself was buried. The dispute escalated to a point where it required outside intervention.

The outcome of this family feud was decisive and revealing:

1. The matter was brought before a British court, which ruled in favor of Shoghi Effendi, cementing his legal control over the contested property.
2. Following this legal victory, Shoghi Effendi consolidated his power by having many of his opponents—whom he branded covenant-breakers—deported from Palestine.

Having secured absolute control over both the spiritual leadership and the physical properties of the faith, Shoghi Effendi would accelerate a major strategic shift in how the Baha'i leadership managed its vast land holdings.

4. From Acquisition to Liquidation

The early twentieth century saw a dramatic reversal in Baha'i land strategy. The era of aggressive acquisition gave way to a new policy of systematically selling off large portions of their holdings, particularly the undeveloped agricultural estates in the Jordan Valley, primarily to Jewish organizations.

This strategic pivot did not begin with Shoghi Effendi, but under his predecessor, Abbas Effendi. Facing persistent security threats from Bedouin raids and the economic reality of unimproved land worked by tenant farmers, the leadership began to liquidate these assets. Umm Juni and Samara were sold during the first decade of the twentieth century when Jewish organizations made "attractive offers." Shoghi Effendi later accelerated this process, selling off most of the remaining Jordan Valley lands. The very factors that made these lands an "attractively low" purchase for a marginalized sect—their undeveloped state and persistent insecurity—also made them a pragmatic and easily justifiable asset to liquidate when a more lucrative opportunity arose.

Amid this trend of selling land, one decision stands out as the exception that proves the rule. The settlement of Adassiya was the "first and only attempt by the Bahais to found a village of their own." This isolated effort underscores that the broader mission had fundamentally changed. The leadership was signaling a pivot away from agricultural settlement and toward a new, more centralized vision for its presence in Palestine. The capital generated from these land sales would be redirected toward a monumental new project: the construction of a global headquarters on Mount Carmel.

5. A World Center Without a Community?

The history of the Baha'i faith in Palestine culminates in a central, lingering question: After decades spent acquiring land, fighting over its control, and eventually selling it for development funds, why did the local Baha'i community itself fail to grow? Idit Luzia (author of the article related to the Baha'i faith in the book The Land that became Israel : studies in historical geography) is explicit that the community's size "never exceeded several hundred members." This demographic stagnation stands in stark contrast to the grandeur of the physical structures the leadership erected.

The reasons provided for this lack of growth are a mixture of external pressures and, most notably, internal policy:

• External historical events not directly related to the sect
• A hostile administration, particularly under the Ottomans
• Internal struggles and power feuds within the sect
• A leadership that "consciously limited demographic development"

This final point is the most revealing. Why would a religious leadership, in its own holy land, deliberately limit the growth of its own community? This policy confirms that the ultimate goal was never to cultivate a thriving, populous local spiritual community. Instead, the entire strategy—from the initial land grab in Acre to the liquidation of the Jordan Valley estates—was aimed at the creation of a global, corporate-style headquarters. The Baha'i World Center was built for a worldwide following, funded by international donations and the strategic sale of its Palestinian land assets, leaving a legacy of magnificent buildings without a significant local community to inhabit them.

(Much of the material presented here is derived from the book The Land that became Israel : studies in historical geography by Ruth Kark - 1990)

https://archive.org/details/landthatbecameis0000unse

Paul Desailly (a Baha'i from Australia) identifies a primary challenge facing the Bahá'í Faith

Paul Desailly identifies a primary challenge facing the Bahá'í Faith as the stagnation in enrollments, noting that growth has failed to keep pace with the world population for forty years. He acknowledges that although no one knows the exact time, the current world order will soon be replaced by a new one. Desailly links the lack of successful propagation to a failure by the community to fully realize and promote the fundamental Baha'i principles. He points to core Baha'i texts, such as the Tablet To The Hague and The Promise of World Peace, as containing the essential cures for humanity's current problems, which should logically lead to an increase in enrollment, particularly among young people.

A specific principle Desailly repeatedly highlights as being neglected is the necessity of a universal auxiliary language. He calls this principle the "primary principle for realizing the oneness of humanity" and "the very first service to the world of man". He cites 'Abdu'l-Bahá, who stated that a common language is the "greatest means of progress towards the union of East and West" and will "upraise the standard of the oneness of humanity". Desailly suggests that certain Baha’i leaders have let this vital, foundational principle "slide" for decades, contributing directly to the faith's statistical stagnation. He further asserts that ignoring principles we find unpalatable prevents the realization of how all the Bahá'í principles are interconnected.

Desailly addresses issues of leadership and community action, stating that poor enrollment growth rests partly with the wider public for marginalizing religion, which he says leads to chaos and war. However, he also addresses internal challenges, suggesting that individual Baha'i functionaries or counselors can sometimes influence or mislead decision-making collectives, which harms enrollment. While urging obedience to institutional guidance, Desailly argues that criticizing Baha'i individuals in leadership roles when propagation is at stake is not ruled out and does not threaten the Faith’s institutions. To rectify the situation, he suggests the radical idea of electing younger members who are willing to consult fairly on the auxiliary language principle. He stresses the need for Baha'is to be seen obeying Baha'u'llah's instructions, noting that consultation and compassion are the two "luminaries of divine wisdom," but consultation (guidance) takes precedence over compassion in the pursuit of wisdom.

https://bahaiforums.com/t/why-did-the-bahai-faith-stop-growing.26154/

Baha'i Sect Pledges Loyalty to Israel

www.google.com/books/edition/Inside_Palestine/6arLLFlFyqQC

Jaffa (ZOA) According to an item in the Jaffa Arabic daily, "El Yom," the Bahai Sect in Israel has pledged its allegiance to the Government.

In a letter to Prime Minister Ben Gurion, the leader of the Bahais, Shogy Rabani, stated that the establishment of the Jewish State was foretold in the Bahai scriptures.

(Inside Palestine, Volumes 7-8, p. 16 (1947) by Zionist Organization of America)

In fact, on the day before the relocation of Haifa’s Muslim and Christian Arab population, Shoghi Rabbani wrote directly to Prime Minister Ben Gurion praising the reestablishment of the Jewish state and the ingathering of the Jewish exiles.

(The Baha’i minority in the State of Israel, 1948–1957 by Randall S. Geller, 2018)

https://doi.org/10.1080/00263206.2018.1520100

Behind the Veil: Sobhi’s Chronicle of Baha’u’llah’s Family Turmoil

Mirza Mohammed Ali Effendi with his family and followers

Sobhi was the scribe of Abdul Baha, so he knew all the angry feelings toward Mirza Muhammad Ali and his people. They called them Naqidhun, covenant breakers, which is a fancy way to say bad guys, at least thats how we were told when I was young in the faith.

So here is the simple story,

Mirza Muhammad Ali was the son of Baha'u'llah and his third wife Gawhar Khanum, she was super respected and really beautiful too. In Baha'u'llah's last writings, the Kitab i Ahdi, he said Abdul Baha is the leader after him, but he also mentioned Mirza Muhammad Ali, calling him Ghusn i Akbar, the Greater Branch, kinda like the next next leader. After Baha'u'llah passed away the Baha'is split in two bunches, one followed Abdul Baha, the other followed Mirza Muhammad Ali. His followers called themselves Muvahhidun, that means Unitarians, and they said Abdul Baha's followers were Mushrikun, idol worshipers.

They also said Abdul Baha was hiding some parts of the will and testament of Baha'u'llah. They wrote books with long names like Min Yurid al Iqbal Ila Sawa al Sabil, and another one, Kashf al Muftari, accusing Abdul Baha of stuff. I was too young back then.

Where he lived and how he looked

His home area was around Akka and Bahji. Sobhi says he saw Mirza Muhammad Ali from far away. He was kinda short, had a big wide face, dark beard, long hair flowing like he shampooed with the wind. He wore a cap and held a black cane made of ebony. Sobhi said he did not look worried at all that the gang of Abdul Baha was nearby, he just chilled.

Everyone fighting all the time

The two camps hated each other like cats and water. Abdul Baha told his people never meet Mirza Muhammad Ali or any Naqidh. He said meeting them is like drinking poison, your heart will melt away or something like that. Sobhi tells a story that once Mirza Jalal, Abdul Baha son in law, and some young guys went and bothered Mirza Muhammad Ali in Bahji, they pulled his shawl and yelled ugly words. Also pilgrims in Mirza Muhammad Ali's old house would read teasing poems, like making fun of him saying he became the head of Baha, hi hi what a rightful place it became. Ouch that must have hurt his family a lot.

Later when Shoghi Effendi became the guardian he kicked Mirza Muhammad Ali and his people out of properties connected to the shrine of Baha'u'llah in Bahji. Even after Abdul Baha died, they still would not let him or his family attend memorial gatherings. There were spies too, watching if anyone went talking to him in secret. So much love and unity right, well you see why I left.

Accusations and stories

Abdul Baha himself stayed away from meeting Mirza Muhammad Ali. He told pilgrims tales that made his brother look morally bad. One story had to do with a young butcher apprentice named Ghalib in Akka, and a secret note, hint hint you know what he was suggesting.

Sobhi later said look, baha'is already believed Mirza Muhammad Ali was bad because he was on the other side, so even if he was good they would still say he is evil. and yea that sounds pretty true to me, once folks pick a team everything gets twisted, even sunshine becomes a crime.

Moral corruption of early Baha'is as witnessed and reported by Fazl'ollah Mohtadi Sobhi (exBahai secretary of Abdul Baha)

Fazl'ollah Mohtadi Sobhi

1. Worldliness, Hypocrisy, and Self-Interest among Propagators

Sobhi found that many Baha'i propagators/teachers (Moballegeen) were afflicted by base worldly affairs and were followers of self and lust.

• Internal Conflict: Propagators frequently engaged in acts of mutual destruction and insulting each other, sometimes even going so far as to accuse each other of immorality. Sobhi recounts witnessing disputes and physical fighting between propagators in Ishqabat.
• Hypocrisy: Sobhi noted that the Baha'i preachers acted like the hypocritical ascetics mentioned in a poem: "Those ascetics who make a show in the pulpit and prayer niche, when they go into seclusion, they do other things".
• Lack of Ethical Conduct: Sobhi concluded that if a person had not achieved purity of soul and inner refinement, they had no right to invite others to their cause.

2. Sexual Misconduct and Loose Morals

Haji Amin

Sobhi noted several instances suggesting pervasive sexual immorality, particularly in Baha'i communities outside of Iran, and among certain prominent figures:

• Accusations of Debauchery: In Ishqabat, there was a major division regarding the freedom of women and unveiling. One group of Baha'is would accuse the other of immorality, debauchery, and pimping.
• Promiscuity and Unauthorized Marriages: Baha'is who were expelled from Iran and settled in Tashkent (the center of Turkestan at the time) often found living with Russian women. 
• Haji Amin's Conduct: Sobhi mentions Haji Amin (a powerful Baha'i figure) had complete physical strength and dominant passions, engaging frequently with widows and divorced women without being judged. He referred to himself as a "customer of ownerless property."
• Corruption in High Places: Sobhi stated that Shoghi Effendi (who became the head of the Baha'i faith after Abdul-Baha) was involved in immoral and ugly issues. Sobhi also mentions that he was aware of the weaknesses of Abdul-Baha and other members of his family.

3. Financial Exploitation and Materialism

Sobhi observed a strong focus on wealth and financial manipulation:

• Greed of Leaders: Haji Amin’s priority was money, and he considered those who offered him cash to be the best people. He would openly scold hosts who offered elaborate meals, preferring monetary contributions instead.
• Theft and Fraud: Baha'i preachers/teachers/missionaries descended to a level where they would "become husbands to Russian prostitutes" for the sake of fraud and theft.
• Leadership Failures: Sobhi learned that some individuals who were Baha'i children committed theft and vile acts.

4. Extreme Intolerance and Fanaticism

Despite the Baha'i principle advocating for religious freedom and the abolition of prejudice, Sobhi found profound intolerance among the followers:

• Abundance of Fanaticism: Sobhi lists one of his key observations as the abundance of fanaticism among Baha'is.
• Persecution of Dissenters: After Sobhi left the Baha'i faith in 1307 (Persian Year), he was subjected to expulsion and cursing and threats of assassination by Baha'is.
• Suppression of Free Thought: Sobhi noted that in Akka and Haifa, freedom was curtailed for Baha'is. Spies were even appointed to monitor who secretly maintained contact with Muhammad Ali Effendi (the leading covenant-breaker).
• Family Abandonment: Sobhi observed that Baha'i parents would cut off relations with their non-Baha'i children, even abandoning the natural bond of fatherly love.

Summary of General Corruption

Sobhi’s overall disillusionment stemmed from realizing that those advocating for Baha'ism's high ideals were not sincere:

"I saw that those focused on the Truth, like others, are afflicted by base worldly affairs and are followers of self and lust."

He noted that Baha'is were far more fanatical than Muslims, believing they were the only true people in the world, while the reality was that they exhibited widespread moral and ethical deviation.

Sobhi's observations demonstrated a significant gap between the stated principles of Baha'ism (like unity, love, and the abandonment of fanaticism) and the actual behavior of its adherents and leaders, whom he found consumed by internal conflict, worldliness, and personal vice.

Source : Khaterat i Sobhi (Memoirs of Sobhi)

Disappearance of audio and written works of Mohammad-Taqi Falsafi (Anti-Baha'i Muslim Cleric from Iran)

Hujjatol-Islam Falsafi destroying the Baha'i Centre in Tehran - May 1955

Falsafi was the main force behind the destruction of the Baha'i Centre in Tehran. So what was Baha'i reaction?

This news article mentions a strange disappearance of a significant historical archive. The audio and written works of Mohammad-Taqi Falsafi, a famous Muslim preacher known for his extensive and critical speeches against the Baha'i faith, were vanished. This discovery was made by a committee tasked with organizing the commemoration of Falsafi's 100th birthday. As they sought to collect his works, they found that the specific recordings and writings detailing his arguments against Baha'ism were missing!

The article reports a strong suspicion of a "planned and organized Baha'i program for the removal of written, audio and video documents" of Falsafi's speeches. This act is reported as a deliberate effort to erase a critical historical record, silence a powerful opposing voice from the past, and control the modern narrative about their faith by eliminating accessible evidence of historical criticism.

http://old.alef.ir/vdceon8z.jh8nni9bbj.html?15559

Why the Baha'i International Community is at FAO (Food and Agriculture Organization) of the United Nations?

17th Oct. 2025

Like every other platform, Baha'is now using World Food Forum to propagate their religion. The Universal House of Justice has frequently emphasized that Baha'is should use every opportunity and avenue to share the message of Baha'u'llah with the masses, especially focusing their efforts on people of capacity in order to contribute to the transformation of society (meaning making them Baha'is or the friends of the Faith). UHJ messages frequently advise believers to "find creative ways in which the necessary time and resources can be made available" so that people with special capacities may be guided and assisted in their spiritual journey and become empowered to contribute to community building [on Baha'i values].

This week, the Baha'i International Community's Offices from Addis Ababa, Brussels, and Cairo joined global leaders, civil society, youth and farming organisations and other stakeholders at the World Food Forum to deliberate on agri-food systems. [!!!]

Marking FAO's 80th anniversary, this year's Forum provided a platform for the BIC Offices to engage in conversations 😲 about the guiding principles required to build just, sustainable and resilient agri-food systems.

Video: https://www.facebook.com/reel/1464113171552978